Wednesday, January 29, 2020
Participant Observation and Grand Theory Essay Example for Free
Participant Observation and Grand Theory Essay Bronislaw Malinowski, with his ground-breaking field work of the Trobriand Islander community in the beginning of the 20th century still today counts as a pioneer, if not the founder of the British Social Anthropology. In his famous book Argonauts of the Western Pacific. An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagos of Melanesian New Guinea that was first published in 1922 he develops an elaborate methodological framework for ethnographical research, also known as ââ¬Ëparticipant observationââ¬â¢. This method will highly influence the anthropological way of approaching its field of study and hence its theoretical landscape from then on. Looking at Malinowskiââ¬â¢s description of the clan system of the Trobriand community, his descriptive and specifying style of formulation becomes apparent: ââ¬Å"Each of the four clans has its own name: Malasi, Lukuba, Lukwasisiga, Lukulabuta. (â⬠¦) There are special combinations of the clan names with formative roots, to descrive men and women and the mixed plurality belonging to the same clan: Tomalasi ââ¬â a Malasi man; Immalasi ââ¬â a Malasi women; Memalasi ââ¬â the Malasi people (â⬠¦). Near the village of Labaââ¬â¢I, on the northern shore of the main island, there is a spot called Obukula, which is marked by a coral outcrop. Obukula is, in fact, a ââ¬Ëholeââ¬â¢ (dubwadebula), or ââ¬Ëhouseââ¬â¢ (bwala); that is to say, one of the points from which the first ancestors of the linage emerged. â⬠(Malinowski 1929: 496 f. , italics in original) This very nuanced and case specific example of the material gained from his methodological approach gives rise to the question if Malinowskiââ¬â¢s heritage of participant observation has forever distanced Anthropology from bringing forward grand theories? To be able to consider and discuss this question, it is important to first define what Malinowski circumscribed when he laid out his dogma for ethnographical research by the term participant observation. Secondly, a closer inspection of the dictum ââ¬Ëgrand theoryââ¬â¢ is indispensable for our purpose and will be clarified in the second section of this essay. Subsequently, we will look at these two concepts and their relationship to one another in section three in order to approach the question whether Anthropology can be viewed as a science able to produce grand theories. I. Participant observation In the foreword to Argonauts of the Western Pacific Malinowski states that he has ââ¬Å"lived in that [Trobriand Island] archipelago for about two years (â⬠¦), during which time [he] naturally acquired a thorough knowledge of the language. [He] did [his] work entirely alone, living for the greater part of the time right in the village. â⬠(1966: xvi). This statement already contains the essence of participant observation in fieldwork. The hallmark of this methodological way of collecting data is the immersion of the researcher into her or his field of study over a long period of time and the personal part taking in the interactions of the people in the community studied. When Malinowski defined this new approach of ââ¬Ëfirst-handââ¬â¢ observation he broke with the, at that time prevailing tradition of ââ¬Ëarmchairââ¬â¢ ethnography. In this prior approach, ethnographers compiled data gained from historical sources to deduce theories about certain aspects of a usually ââ¬Ënativeââ¬â¢ community (Osterhoudt 2010). One of the main contributions of Malinowskiââ¬â¢s new method to anthropological theory was that by participating and observing behaviour in the sample community he found out that a discrepancy between actual behaviour and narrative statements exists. ââ¬Å"The smoothness and uniformity, which the mere verbal statement suggest as the only shape of human conduct, disappears with a better knowledge of cultural reality. â⬠(Malinowski 1979: 83). This discovery in itself already composes a point of criticism towards the preceding ethnographical ââ¬Ëarm-chairââ¬â¢ approach to data collection and evaluation. Even though participant observation is based on a seemingly broad and intuitive research design, it would, however, be incorrect to assume that this approach would be free of any directive principles on how to collect relevant data. Therefore, Malinowski describes how first, the researcher must ââ¬Å"possess real scientific aimsâ⬠(Malinowski 1966: 6) and be familiar with the theoretical background of anthropology. Further, the researcher should live in the field among the natives all by herself/ himself, and lastly the researcher has to stick to special and strict scientific methods, such as drawing ââ¬Å"tables of kinship terms, genealogies, maps, plans and diagramsâ⬠(idib. 1966: 10) to collect, prepare and record her/his data. The previous example of the clan system provides a sense of the detailed and case specific information that is obtained by the application of participant observation. Besides the kind of the data collected, it should also be looked at the area of research and Malinowskiââ¬â¢s suggestion of the subject to be studied. He proposes that the ââ¬Å"field worker observes human beings acting within an environmental setting, natural and artificial; influenced by it, and in turn transforming it in co-operation with each other. â⬠(Malinowski 1939: 940). Thus, he focuses on the individual as a starting point and its relation to, and mutual dependence on a social group. The inquiries of a researcher will hence have to include a ââ¬Å"specific study of the individual, as well as the group within which he has to live and work. â⬠(idib. 1939: 950). The collective life within that group or society is widely to be seen in certain types of activities, ââ¬Ëinstitutionsââ¬â¢ such as the ââ¬Å"economy, education, or social control and political system in placeâ⬠(idib. 1939: 954). These institutions, as he points out, can be seen as a fruitful base to investigate the individualââ¬â¢s motives and values and they will provide ââ¬Å"insight into the process by which the individual is conditioned or culturally formed and of the group mechanisms of this process. â⬠(idib. 1939: 954). II. Grand Theory In the following, the dictum ââ¬Ëgrand theoryââ¬â¢ will be specified and by doing so distinguished into two different tendencies of understanding the concept. Wiarda (2010) defines a grand theory in his book Grand Theories and Ideologies in the Social Sciences as ââ¬Å"those large, overarching explanations of social and political behaviorââ¬âliberalism, Marxism, socialism, positivism, corporatism, political culture, institutionalism, psychoanalysis, rational choice theory, environmentalism (Jared Diamond), sociobiology, and now chemistry and geneticsââ¬âthat give coherence to the social sciences, help us to organize and think about change and modernization, and give us models to understand complex behavior. â⬠(Wiarda 2010: x) This definition of grand theory as an ââ¬Ëoverarching explanationââ¬â¢ is in line with Anthony Goodââ¬â¢s (1996) understanding of a ââ¬Ëgeneralizing scienceââ¬â¢ that produces ââ¬Å"universal, descriptive and predictive lawsâ⬠(idib. 1996: 34). Here a grand theory is understood as a theorem providing a universal and structural framework that gives meaning to particular and individual phenomena ââ¬Ëon the groundââ¬â¢. In this process the ââ¬Å"importance of the local and the contingent, (â⬠¦) the extent to which our own concepts and attitudes have been shapedâ⬠(Skinner 1985: 8) builds also a part of the universal framework. The second tendency to conceive the idea of grand theory goes a step further and is mainly characterized by C. Wright Mills application of it. He vigorously criticised the concept in his book The Sociological Imagination (1959): ââ¬Å"The basic cause of grand theory is the initial choice of a level of thinking so general that its practitioners cannot logically get down to observation. They never, as grand theorists, get down from the higher generalities to problems in their historical and structural contexts. This absence of a firm sense of genuine problems, in turn, makes for the unreality so noticeable in their pages. â⬠(idib. 1959: 33) As this quote shows, Millsââ¬â¢ understanding of a grand theory goes beyond our first definition. In this second understanding Mills implies that scientists generating grand theories are engrossed in their endeavour to build abstract, normative and all-embracing frameworks and thus neglect the study of the ââ¬Ëmeaningââ¬â¢ behind their constructs. The individual with its particular values and interpretations, as well as variety on the scale of the actual area of research fall behind. III. Participant Observation and its relation to Grand Theory Taken the just outlined conception of grand theory influenced by Mills and putting it in relationship with Malinowskiââ¬â¢s methodology of participant observation, the answer to our question whether or not Malinowskiââ¬â¢s heritage barred the way of Anthropology to ever produce grand theories appears unambiguously to be ââ¬Ëyesââ¬â¢. Participant observation in its very nature is close to the individual and aims to explore, over a long period of time, which social and cultural forces influence the human being in a specific setting. Therefore, with regards to Mills conception of grand theory, Anthropology has a birth defect called participant observation that will always prevent it from producing highly abstract grand theories, which stand in no relation to the circumstances from where they were deduced from. A closer look reveals that Malinowskiââ¬â¢s understanding of the anthropological formation of theory aligns with Mills criticism towards highly abstract grand theories: ââ¬Å"It would be easy to quote works of high repute, and with a scientific hall-mark on them, in which wholesale generalisations are laid down before us, and we are not informed at all by what actual experiences the writers have reached their conclusions. (â⬠¦) I consider that only such ethnographic sources are of unquestionable scientific value, in which we can clearly draw the line between, on the one hand, the result of direct observation and of native statements and interpretations and on the other, the inferences of the author, based on his common sense of psychological insight. â⬠(Malinowski 1966: 3) Here Malinowski differences between two approaches of data processing. One approach leads to mere ââ¬Ëwholesale generalisationsââ¬â¢ and the other approach also includes the ââ¬Ëactual experiencesââ¬â¢ the researcher faced on the local level that explain on what assumptions and observations her or his generalizations are based on. He hence supports the notion of Anthropology as a science of producing generalisations, as long as they are comprehensible and in direct relation to the reality on the ground. Malinowskiââ¬â¢s ethnographies exist to a vast amount of descriptive details that are very specific to certain social groups or individual preferences and he has hence often been criticized as an ââ¬Ëempiricistââ¬â¢ (see Firth 1957). Also, one could argue that his attempt to put his findings in a neat structured box with columns, as he has done in his article Group and Individual in Functional Analysis (1966) seem rather compelled. Nevertheless, he was able to provide social science with universal and generalizing frameworks on, inter alia, on how social institutions function in relation to society. He states that ââ¬Å"social institutions have a definite organisation, (â⬠¦) they are governed by authority, law and order in their public and personal relations, while the latter are, besides, under the control of extremely complex ties of kinship and clanship. â⬠(Malinowski 1966: 10). Malinowskiââ¬â¢s suggestion to use institution as a starting point for social and cultural analysis has ââ¬Å"produced integrated descriptions instead of loosely classified catalogues of traits, and has stimulated the fuller recording of case material from actual behavior as a supplement to the listing of ideal patterns. â⬠(Murdock 1943: 443). Following Malinowskiââ¬â¢s ethnographic method and theory construction therefore aims to create a firm framework of the ââ¬Å"social constitutionâ⬠that ââ¬Å"disentangle[s] the laws and regularities of all cultural phenomena from the irrelevances. â⬠(Malinowski 1966: 10f. ). His approach is thus far more that only an accumulation of meaningless observations of an individuals life in a very specific society. Considering these arguments, Malinowski approach can, indeed, be seen as congruent with our first tendency to understand grand theory. The answer to our initial question should hence be that Anthropology is a science that can certainly produce grand theories in the sense of generalized frameworks and universalistic theories, without neglecting the importance of the ââ¬Å"local and the contingentâ⬠(Skinner 1985: 12). Furthermore, Anthropology can be viewed as an established science with its own field of study being the human being and its social group as well as their mutual dependencies and influences. ââ¬Å"Anthropology stands in a clear relationship to the other basic science, because it is concerned with studying phenomena at one clearly discriminate level vis-a-vis those other sciences. â⬠(Good 1996: 32)
Tuesday, January 21, 2020
Capital Punishment Essay -- essays research papers
Capital Punishment Many positions can be defended when debating the issue of capital punishment. In Jonathan Glover's essay "Executions," he maintains that there are three views that a person may have in regard to capital punishment: the retributivist, the absolutist, and the utilitarian. Although Glover recognizes that both statistical and intuitive evidence cannot validate the benefits of capital punishment, he can be considered a utilitarian because he believes that social usefulness is the only way to justify it. Martin Perlmutter on the other hand, maintains the retributivist view of capital punishment, which states that a murderer deserves to be punished because of a conscious decision to break the law with knowledge of the consequences. He even goes as far to claim that just as a winner of a contest has a right to a prize, a murderer has a right to be executed. Despite the fact that retributivism is not a position that I maintain, I agree with Perlmutter in his claim that social u tility cannot be used to settle the debate about capital punishment. At the same time, I do not believe that retributivism justifies the death penalty either. In Martin Perlmutter's essay "Desert and Capital Punishment," he attempts to illustrate that social utility is a poor method of evaluating the legitimacy of it. Perlmutter claims that a punishment must be "backward looking," meaning that it is based on a past wrongdoing. A utilitarian justification of capital punishment strays from the definition of the term "punishment" because it is "forward looking." An argument for social utility maintains that the death penalty should result in a greater good and the consequences must outweigh the harm, thereby increasing overall happiness in the world. Perlmutter recognizes the three potential benefits of a punishment as the rehabilitation of an offender, protection for other possible victims, and deterring other people from committing the same crime. The death penalty however, obviously does not rehabilitate a victim nor does it do a better job at protecting other potential victims than life impriso nment. Since a punishment must inflict harm on an individual, deterrence is the only argument that utilitarians can use to defend the death penalty. The question then ari... ...able to murder someone because twelve rational people in a courtroom decided that it should be so? By the same token, a murderer can claim that their victim had violated their rights and did not deserve to live. Obviously that cannot be rationalized in any manner. No matter from what perspective it is viewed, capital punishment is murdering another human being. Even if a law is broken and the person has made the world a worse place to live, killing someone else can never be justified, especially by measuring its social utility. The world would be a better place if many people did not exist, but it would not be legitimate to exterminate everyone who does not increase the happiness in the world. Social utility cannot justify the existence of capital punishment, nor can it be used as rationale to reject it. Retributivism fails as well because the death penalty may be regarded as cruel and unusual punishment. Absolutism seems to be the only school of thought that cannot be logically dismantled. No evidence exists that would demonstrate the benefits of capital punishment and statistically the only thing that is accomplished is another death in society.
Monday, January 13, 2020
Personality Assessment Instruments Essay
Personality Assessment instruments are comprised of theories and techniques to measure an individualââ¬â¢s personality traits. The traditional psychoanalytical theories provide a framework for understanding negative behavior as well as concepts that predict future behavioral outcomes. Because of the possibility of predictive personality traits, career counselors and organizations have used personality assessment instruments to screen possible employers for qualification. In addition, personality assessment instrument have also been used to detect disordered personalities or other unresolved issues that cause negative behavior patterns in an individual. In this paper I will discuss three Personality Assessment Instruments widely used in measuring an individualââ¬â¢s personality; Myer-Briggs Type Indicator, Rorschach Inkblot Test and self help books. I will discuss the validity, comprehensiveness, applicability and cultural utility of these personality assessments in also examine the strengths and weaknesses of why some work and some do not. The strength and weaknesses of each personality assessment instrument is key in understanding which instrument is ââ¬Å"appropriateâ⬠to use. Myer-Briggs Type Indicator Largely based on Carl Jungââ¬â¢s Theory of Personality, The Myer-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) was created by Katherine Cook Briggs and Isabel Briggs Myer, during WWII to evaluate personality types to know where to place women entering the industrial workforce. The MBTI would assess women for jobs they were best qualified for. Seeing how successful the MBTI was in placing women in the workforce, today it is still used as an assessment instrument by career counselors and organizations for team building (McCaulley, 2000). The MBTI is a self-report, forced-choice questionnaire. The letters represent the respective personality types which have 16 unique possible outcomes. The test has about 100 questions with only two choices to pick from. MBTI divides an individualââ¬â¢s personality into four areas (McCaulley, 2000); 1. Extraversion (E) or Introversion (I) . Sensing (S) or intuition (N) 3. Thinking (T) or feeling (F) 4. Judging (J) or perceiving (P) This scale is an important factor in determining the dominant, auxiliary, tertiary and inferior behaviors of the individual (McCaulley, 2000). Each individual is measured by the four-letter type formula. Each group of letters reveals the dominant function of the individual and followed by the auxiliary. Each of the 16 combination of letters explains the personââ¬â¢s personality and what area they best function in. Rorschach Inkblot Test Hermann Rorschach, Swiss psychiatrist, created ill-defined designs on paper using ink. After much trial and error, Rorschach settled on 10 inkblot cards used to show to patients and illicit a response. It was determined that different patients in a particular psychiatric group gave different responses. The test was created to understand the mind of an individual. During the assessment, the patient is shown a card and is expected to explain the thoughts that come to mind when analyzing the card (Cervone, 2010). The test-giver waits to see the type of response that comes from the patient. And the question of how the patient responds or perceives the inkblot determines the type of personality the patient may have. If the patientââ¬â¢s response matches the inkblot structureââ¬â¢s intended meaning, then the patientââ¬â¢s thoughts are geared towards their reality. If the patientââ¬â¢s response does not correspond with the inkblot then the patient is perceived to have a dysfunctional personality. Self-Help Books Widely popular, Self-help books are a great way for a person to understand psychological disorders and possible treatments. There are a variety of books written by scholars and psychologist who have done extensive work in their area of expertise. Many people who are skeptical about going to therapy choose self-help books as a way to self-administer treatment (Redding et. al, 2008). The problem people face when relying on these books for help is that there is no discussion to make sure that the person understands what they are reading. Also, the books cannot assess the person to see if they can help the person like the MBTI and Rorschach Inkblot do. There is no way to measure if the specific book can help the person. Personality Assessments: from Theory to Practice In this next section I will examine the validity, comprehensiveness, applicability and cultural utility. Throughout my research I have discovered that some critics have argued that each of these personality assessment instruments have weaknesses that do not support what it claims to produce. Others critics have shown the strengthsââ¬â¢ in these widely used personality assessment to be applied in various cultures that have shown consistent scoring. Validity One of the most widely used personality assessment instruments is self-help books. They are easily accessible by most people seeking to resolve psychological issues. However, it is difficult to say if what the writer proposes to be a solution works effectively for the reader (Redding et. al. , 2008). The problem with the validity of self-help books is that not all are written by professional psychologist. Often people are faced with serious psychological disorders that they wish to resolve on their own as opposed to therapy (Redding et. l, 2008). Another issue with self-help books is that they do not test people to see if they have applied the information coming from the book to the area in their life where they face challenges nor can it pinpoint the exact disorder a person is dealing with. I would have to say that the Myer-Briggs Type Indicator holds the most validity out of the three personality assessment instruments and is the most favored. The MBTI has been tested and based on the 16 different possible personality types most people have fallen under one of the combinations. The MBTI follows the theory of personality traits by Carl Jung. Jungââ¬â¢s theory distinguishes two dichotomous pairs of cognitive behavior: extraversion and introversion (McCaulley, 2008). The MBTI has been shown to be successful in determining an individualââ¬â¢s personality that fits a specific career or in organizing groups for team building. On the other hand, when a person has been assessed using the Rorschach inkblot test, disordered personality can be revealed thru extensive testing. The validity of the Rorschach inkblot test as but argued that there is a bias in the testing because Hermann Rorschachââ¬â¢s training was in psychoanalytical theories. Another problem that arises with the Rorschach in examining its validity is the scoring of the test. Many of the scorers give a higher score to the test taker if their response matches those of previous scorers (Sendin, 2010). Comprehensiveness Self-help books focus on an areas in an individualââ¬â¢s life such as alcohol addictions, Attention Deficit Disorder, How to deal with a Break-Up. And while the books can be informative the theory behind the solution must be examined. Most self-help books are written in the opinion of the author writing the book. Some of these opinions may not be in accord with the readerââ¬â¢s background so it is difficult to say if the reader is able to comprehend what the author is conveying (Redding et. al, 2008). It also depends only what the reader is looking for. If the reader is open to alternative solutions as opposed to traditional one then the book will help but because a person is not tested on the self-help books they are reading it is hard to determine how comprehensive the book is. MBTI has 16 possible personality types that this world-wide instrument uses to address issues faced by individuals, groups and family counseling that are challenged with communication, career planning, learning and life -long development (McCaulley, 2000). When assessing an individualââ¬â¢s personality not only is this helpful in career counseling but also when determining why individuals or family members are having communication problems. Applicability Self-help books can be easy to understand. Some of the methods are broken down in simple steps that anyone can apply. However, if one wants to assess the type of personality that can handle a certain job the Myer-Briggs Type Indicator is more appropriate to use. This assessment instrument has been used by career counselors and employers to match individuals to specific studies or industries (McCaulley, 2008). I would not recommend using the Myer-Briggs Type Indicator when assessing an individualââ¬â¢s personality for disorders. The Rorschach Inkblot has been a successful instrument in examining the mind of a person (Cervone, 2010). However, the Rorschach inkblot was constructed according to Hermann Rorschachââ¬â¢s training in psychoanalytical theory. Cultural Utility Each culture is made of its own belief system and traditions. What applies in one culture may not necessarily apply in another. Some assessments can be used in most cultures and give the same results across the board. However, not all cultures will accept the theories behind the assessment. The issues that I have noticed in researching the MBTI and Rorschach Inkblot test is that in applying to different cultures there has been challenges faced by psychologist. For one, psychologists have not had extensive training in cultural diversity. Nor have they had training in language. Most ethnic low income groups have had poor health service in which there has been a misdiagnosis due to language barrier (Dana, 2000). Also to consider are groups who come from another country and have different views on the mental health system. For example, in administering the MBTI and Rorschach Inkblot test to Russian Jews challenges are faced because of their cultural belief. Russian Jews are highly suspicious of mental health professionals and find it difficult to believe that community health agencies do not have ties to the government (Dana, 200). As a result, they deny any mental health issues. The fear that exists with Russian Jews is because of the way they saw the Soviet Government force people to commit to a mental health institute (Dana, 2000). Consequently, self help books have been successful in reaching a mass audience because books have been published in various languages. Conclusion As you can see Personality Assessment Instruments have been very useful in helping to examine an individualââ¬â¢s personality for career choices, in team building and examining a disorder. However, specialist have has revealed their weaknesses and show that these instruments cannot be applied in any situation without further investigation. Each personality assessment instrument is unique with itââ¬â¢s own characters. In order to be able to better serve the mental health industry only a particular assessment can be used for a specific analysis.
Sunday, January 5, 2020
The Evolution Of Quality Management - 1564 Words
I always enjoy reading about the history of something because it tends to show you the evolution of it. In this case, the evolution of ââ¬ËQualityââ¬â¢ is there. In the definition of quality in Chapter 2, Feigenbaum and Crosby both state what they think is the contributing part of quality. Feigenbaum believes that meeting the customersââ¬â¢ expectations is the key, while Crosby feels that if you put an impeccable product out, then thatââ¬â¢s quality. However, Goetsch and Davis define a hybrid version of Feigenbaum and Crosbyââ¬â¢s thoughts on Quality, which incorporate the constant change that is the customer. The customer is the driving force that makes business produce goods and services. Each era in the history of quality has its place. Lessons learned along the way have shaped where we are today Quality Management. In the craftsmanship era, businesses had relationships with their small town customers who produced small scale personable products or services that cou ld be shared word of mouth. In order to take quality business into the future there had to be major changes if companies were going to be able to produce ââ¬Ëqualityââ¬â¢ on the global scale. Quality managers tried everything from getting the employees to believe in their work, receive awards, and incentives to do more with less. The history of Quality Management has driven goods and services to be great, and change with the customersââ¬â¢ expectations which continue changing. Chapter 3: Quality management encompasses a combination ofShow MoreRelatedThe Evolution of Total Quality Management1630 Words à |à 7 PagesThe Evolution of Total Quality Management A useful way to begin to understand the evolution of TQM is to link it to show how the industrial world was developing at the time TQM was evolving. 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